In the evening of May 22, in the Gorlovka region, intense positional battles were being fought, both in the vicinity of the settlements of Yuzhnoye and Chigari to the west of Gorlovka, and in the area of Golmovsky, which was subjected to shelling throughout the day.
Both sides declared substantial losses for their opponents during the last two days. It is interesting that when pointing out the UAF’s (Ukrainian Armed Forces) losses in manpower and technology, the DPR Ministry of Defence also noted the destruction of their first American counter-mortar radar. Cannon artillery, mortars, and heavy machine-guns have been active. Given the active work of military censorship on both sides, there is very little real information about what is happening, especially about losses.
Formally, fighters from Praviy Sektor (PS) only appeared in the Donbass in July of 2014, after the official date of formation of the 5th Battalion of the Ukrainian Volunteer Corps (UVC); however, the members of this extremist organization in fact took part in the conflict from its very first days.
Briefly, regarding the decisions of the Kiev City Council and the statements in the Verkhovna Rada on the need for Poroshenko to resign.
1. The main thing that one must understand is that the source of Poroshenko’s power is not “the Ukrainian people,” but the good will of his foreign masters. If he more or less suits Washington as President, then he will continue (at least until the end of his term) to sit as President. If he loses the “credit of trust,” then in that case we will see a change of power—through early elections or through street protests, or through both at once. As an example, one can recall Saakashvili, who lost that trust and was replaced by more adequate characters and, what is more, who was unable to fully restore his lost trust up to date. This is the source, then, of all the flattery of Poroshenko, Klimkin and the rest of the clique, before Trump. They understand perfectly well that their future depends on his “goodwill,” since it is the USA that is the main guarantor of their legitimacy. When Kolomoiskiy wanted to challenge this legitimacy—he was contacted by the US Ambassador and now Benya [Kolomoiskiy’s nickname –ed.] is forced to go and grovel to Poroshenko. Thus, they need to give him [Trump] all sorts of attention and carefully pretend that the support to Clinton was a minor misunderstanding, because there is a risk that Trump will want to reshuffle the deck of puppets in the Ukraine and that Poroshenko will not be among the new set. That is why as long as there is US support the Verkhovna Rada will not vote for impeachment. But if there is no such support, then different options are possible with Saakashvili, Yatsenyuk, Nalyvaichenko or Tymoshenko, but this does not depend on them.
Interview with Mikhail Chaliy, the brother of Aleksey Chaliy, who took an active part in the Sevastopol uprising in 2014, the year in which in fact the Crimea’s return to Russia began.
Mikhail, unlike Aleksey, was always somewhat in the shadows, but in the days of February 2014 he did great organizational work, ensuring the functioning of the transitional government and preserving the city’s life support systems.
The Word and The Deed. Mikhail Chaliy: “We were running across a burning bridge”
Journalistic materials, like children, have differing births: some ‘deliveries’ go easily and without pain, others in torment—for yet others, one has to resort to extraordinary measures. For this material, I had to resort to such extraordinary measures. To wit—I had to tell Mikhail Chaliy, to whom Sevastopolitans need no introduction, some obvious nonsense. Perhaps it was not quite ethical. But much of what has been said here was said only due to the fact that Mikhail Mikhailovich ‘buttoned up’, and was not prepared to talk about the difficulties he experienced…
Valentin Filippov, a TV journalist, left Odessa after the victory of Euromaidan
One of the main topics in Ukrainian news today is the refusal of the Odessa City Council to rename the city’s streets in line with Kiev’s wishes. The Deputies, in place of the Heroes of the ATO [Anti-Terrorist Operation –trans.] and the “Heavenly Hundred”, assigned other names.
However, this is, in fact, just grandstanding for the public. Odessa politicians portray themselves as fighters against Kiev nationalists. The capital’s nationalists portray a struggle against a “Muscovite revanche” in Odessa.
In this story, both sides are the very same “sons of bitches”, writes the PolitNavigator observer, Valentin Filippov.
Preamble: March 16 was the third anniversary of the reunification of Crimea with Russia. As the Ukraine continues to claim jurisdiction over the territory, and claims that the population has been forced into accepting Russian rule, we thought it would be instructive to see what was written about the Hero City of Sevastopol in 2009, by Mustafa Nayyem, one of the main proponents of Euromaidan, and now a People’s Deputy in the Supreme Rada in Kiev.
This is a very beautiful city, proud and genuine. There is little affectation here. Moreover—there’s an openness, that converts one from rudeness and bluntness into an admiring, sincere person.
By the will of fate, of politicians, and of history, it is now a Ukrainian city.
It’s a Ukrainian city, in which Ukrainians are called invaders.
Amid the continued support given to the fascist politicians and military of Ukraine by western governments, many people are asking how such a betrayal of the sacrifices of the Allies in World War Two could take place. However, what most people are unaware of, in large part due to an ever-more corrupted media, is that these governments have a shocking history of protecting the perpetrators of some of the most terrible crimes of that war. One of the most egregious examples of this practice of shielding war-criminals from justice was confirmed in 2005 with the declassification of British Home Office papers showing that the British government protected at least 8,000 members of the Waffen-SS Galitsia Division from the justice that awaited them in the Soviet Union.
Some say that Motorola did not have enough security, some—that in wartime, officers and their families should stay in barracks. But those who think this way fail to understand the realities of this war.
121 Chelyuskintsev Street is a common prefab, nine-storey building with six entrances. There, on the seventh floor, lived Arsen Pavlov with his family—his wife and two little children.
I will say it once again—the legendary Motorola lived in a common building. To clarify—when looking for an apartment in Donetsk I did not even consider those options. I am an ordinary man, without special pretensions.
The writer, Zakhar Prilepin, while visiting him, described Colonel Pavlov’s House thus:
“The usual—with the familiar light, musty smell—sufficiently shabby people’s entrance (…) three bedroom apartment, poky little rooms and a very small kitchenette.”
People think that such a big and well-known personality has to live in a luxury house in a closed compound, with security cameras and fences. But there was not even a concierge there.
“Nobody would be surprised or upset,” writes Prilepin, “if Motorola had lived in a large cottage behind a huge fence, with a tank standing in the yard. There are many empty houses in Donetsk, whose owners left for Kiev at the beginning of the war. After all, he was one of the main ‘separatist militants,’ if one believes what the Ukrainian media claims, who had so enriched himself that he should have built himself a palace long ago. But no.”