Reports from the DPR regarding the agreement with Kiev on the implementation of the line of demarcation, that was reached early in October.
“The Prime Minister of the DPR—Alexander Zakharchenko—told journalists that the leaders of the DPR have managed to come to an agreement with Kiev on the line of demarcation.
According to Zakharchenko, both parties have already signed the corresponding treaty. He added that both parties had agreed that the Ukrainian military would “vacate a few towns”, including the settlement of Peski, located in the vicinity of Donetsk Airport.
Zakharchenko also stated that the Ukrainian military have agreed to leave Mariinka and the village of Pervomaiskoe, located in the suburbs of Donetsk. “I cannot say yet what we have given for it, but I can say what we have not got is Slavyansk, Mariupol, Kramatorsk. They remain under the control of Kiev,” said the Prime Minister of the DPR.
At the same time, the media pointed out that from the Ukrainian side there has been no confirmation so far.
In eastern Ukraine, fighting between DPR partisans and Ukrainian troops has taken place since April of this year. The combatants managed to agree on a truce at the beginning of September, which resulted in a reduction in the intensity of the fighting. Nonetheless, armed confrontations continued in several sectors, particularly in the area of Donetsk Airport. Besides, the law on a special status for certain areas of Donbass was adopted this autumn, but has not yet been implemented.
It should be noted that as a result of the truce, the territory outside of the control of the Ukrainian military has expanded, including a sector between Novoazovsk and Donetsk.
The Ukrainian government explained the withdrawal of its troops as necessary in order to create a “unified front line”. [Quoted from Novie Vedomosty]
It is symptomatic that Zakharchenko is unwilling to divulge the minute details of the treaty, which appear to have caused the murky story of the “information blackout”. The reasons for the silence are easy to comprehend: by committing to paper the abandonment of Slavyansk, Kramatorsk and Mariupol, Zakharchenko yet again endorses the documents connected with the Minsk “collusion”, a move that certainly will not garner broad support in Novorossiya, particularly in parts with a high percentage of soldiers coming from the towns being thus abandoned to the Junta. The consequences will not be long in waiting. Continue reading
Preamble: What follows is a first-hand account of events that took place in the area of the MH17 crash site in August of this year, written by someone who was part of the team of OSCE inspectors and observers. The Slavyangrad team was approached by this individual with a view to publishing their account as they believed that more mainstream news sources would either distort or censor the account. Accordingly, we have made only minor alterations to improve the English and to iron out typographical and/or grammatical errors (the author’s first language is not English). For obvious reasons (evident from the final paragraph of this account) we have substituted a pseudonym for the author’s real name.
On August 8, we received information that a farmer located in the most southern area of the crash site had reported that he had found materials which he believed had originated from the Malaysian Airlines flight MH17. According to the report, the farmer also believed that there might be human remains on his fields and he was asking for instructions on what to do. On Sunday, August 10, we attempted to reach the farmer. For this we had to cross from Ukrainian-held territory into rebel-held territory, crossing the no-man’s-land between the front lines. In reality, this basically means the space between the final road-blocks on the main roads.
At the last Ukrainian-manned road-block (manned by a volunteer unit wearing the insignia of the Azov Battalion), well within the twenty kilometre perimeter around the crash site, we were prohibited from continuing because there were ongoing military operations in the area ahead of us. In response to our questions about the operations, we were told “none of your business,” and “be glad we let you leave.” We decided to take a detour in order to try our luck at another road-block. At this road-block, in the hands of the regular army, we were simply waved through after having our papers checked. We asked if there were any military operations ongoing in the area ahead of us; the answer was “not that we know of—we have orders to hold our position and only to defend ourselves.”
Knowing that road-blocks are a regular target for both sides, we decided to move on quickly and see how far we would get. Our designated fixer told us that he expected another road-block ahead of us and a few kilometres along the road his suspicion was confirmed: an improvised road-block constructed from burned out cars and felled trees, manned by irregular troops. They seemed very excited, urging us “go back, go back, we are fighting!” One soldier with Azov badges and the black-red Right-Sector identification, seemingly the commander of this group, came over to our car and told us: “You have already been told that there is a military operation going on and that you are not allowed to proceed.” This made it clear to us that while irregular or volunteer units were communicating with each other, they were not communicating with the regular army unit holding the road-block we had previously passed through.
Preamble: “The March of Heroes”—a torchlight procession of Right Sector activists—took place today in Odessa. It was arranged by two nationalist social and political organisations: Social-Nationalist Assembly (SNA) and the social organisation “Patriot of Ukraine”. They were joined by fighters of the Azov Battalion, who had returned to civilian life from the ATO zone as a result of the recent troop rotation. Azov is staffed by activists of the SNA and, according to the organisers of the march, “it was initially considered a Right Sector battalion.” Right Sector football fans and other “patriotic youth” also participated in the procession. The march has threatened to become the main event in the city of late. A “March of Heroes” was also held in Kiev and Kharkov. It is not yet clear what the consequences are for the residents of those cities. We will probably find out later. However, we take this opportunity to recall some of the “heroic deeds” engraved in the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s history.
On October 14, on the occasion of the anniversary of the foundation of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA), members of the UIA decided to make an exotic gift to their “general”—five severed heads, freshly cut from Poles. The general was mightily pleased with both the gift itself and the creativity of his subordinates. This kind of zeal shocked even seasoned Germans. The Commissioner General of Volhinya District, Obergruppenführer Schenne pleaded with Bishop Polikarp Sikorsky to restrain his congregation: “Nationalist bandits conduct their activity by attacking unarmed, defenseless Poles. According to our calculations up to today at least fifteen thousand Polish people have been slaughtered. Yanova Dolina settlement no longer exists.” Continue reading
Headpicture by Lena Danya (Art & Photo)
A special correspondence of KP, Alexander Kots, published excerpts from a diary of the deceased frontline photojournalist of the INA “Russia Today.” His remains, burned in a car near the village of Dmitrovka, were found by fellow journalists.
In 2011, his powerful military report from the combat zone in Libya was published on the web site of “RIA News”. By that time, the photographer Stenin was widely known in a narrow circle of war reporters. But few could assume that he had a “scribbler” talent.
- Why did you quit scribbling?—I asked him.
- Photography is more honest…
However, every time when facing high emotional stress he took up the pen again. On his blog he used to write in a benign ironic way about the things, which were scary even to look at. After he passed away, Andrew left behind gigabytes of honest photographs. And hundreds of lines—genuine lines about war. Continue reading
Editor: S. Naylor
“The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”
―William Faulkner, Requiem for a Nun
It is a hundred years since the very first concentration camp was created—in Galicia, intended for Russians and Eastern Orthodox believers.
September 4, 2014 marks a hundred years since the tragedy of the concentration camps Talerhof [Thalerhof] and Terezin [Theresienstadt], where tens of thousands of victims met their violent end, martyred for their Orthodox faith, for the refusal to betray their beliefs, for the refusal to call themselves Ukrainian.
The Year 2014—foreboding and violent as it was—coincides in a very symbolical way with two tragic anniversaries in our history; a hundred years since the beginning of WWI, and a hundred years since the blood of martyrs was spilled in the concentration camps of Talerhof and Terezin. Yes, September 4, 1914¹, when the Hell’s gates of Talerhof opened wide, became a day of sorrow—not only for Orthodox Ruthenians of Transcarpathia, victims of horrific tyranny at the hands of minions of the Vatican, but for the entire Russian universe as a whole. It was not by mere accident that the first mega-war and the first concentration camp simultaneously defiled our existence, like two horns of Satan: the sudden treacherous strike that led to the extermination of God’s creatures on a scale previously unimaginable. The war and the camp—made at the same factory, headquartered in the underworld—became the main tools of annihilation of the human race in the Industrial Era. Continue reading
8 Sep 2014
The audience, for days on end, has been asking questions: where did the popular Donetsk People’s Republic TV program “Journal of the Militia”—publicly declared in Kiev a dangerous “informational weapon of terrorists”—vanish to; and why does its presenter no longer appear on TV? I have no doubts that esteemed viewers have noticed much more serious changes in the internal life of the DPR, and, perhaps, have already been able to connect these events…
It is unlikely to have been a secret to anybody that, as early as mid-August, events which could be qualified as a coup occurred in Novorossiya, which dramatically changed the political face of the Militia and of the Republic itself. The TV program “Journal of the Militia” was shut down shortly thereafter on the insistence of the new Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the DPR and newly appointed Commander-in-Chief, Aleksandr Zakharchenko. On his personal order the author of these lines was forbidden from appearing on TV or speaking publicly on the subject of what is happening at the front and in the internal life of Novorossiya.
However, closing down “Journal of the Militia” was only one link in the chain of eliminations of ideological work, which latter had been established in the Militia when the Commander-in-Chief had been Igor Ivanovich Strelkov. It is no coincidence that, from the very first days of the “new power”, rather emotional appeals by the new Commander-in-Chief resounded from the high tribunes of the Supreme Council and Council of Senior Army Officers—appeals to eliminate the Political Department of the Militia (created under my supervision), and to replace it with another structure of a fundamentally different ideological content (in place of the previous Orthodox-patriotic and strictly non-parti pris orientation).
In light of all these events, a few days ago I and several other officers of Strelkov’s team came to a decision to submit our resignation letters, which decision we implemented there and then. Continue reading
Translator Mariya Sch.
Editor S. Naylor
- My name is Nikita, I was born in 1993. I am from Makeevka, Donetsk region. I joined the Army a year and a half ago in order to obtain a military ID.
- Were you a contract soldier?
– No, I was a conscript called up to serve for the Homeland. I joined the Army—the Internal Forces.
- In which sub-unit did you serve?
– 3066th convoy unit near Kiev. The unit specialized exclusively in convoying. I was in the third company, specialized in routine convoying.
- In which battles did you participate? What did your unit do during the conflict?
– During the conflict we were transferred to the 3027th Special Forces unit. People call it “Bars”. We did not participate in any battles. Initially we were trained for the ATO. We were told about this later, though not officially. We had to ask many questions; to find out for ourselves. We realized, after Petr Poroshenko declared that those who took part in the parade, would participate in ATO. We knew that we—the conscripts—would join this column.
- Tell us please, why did you side with the DPR? Under what circumstances did it happen?
– The thing is that my family and I are from this region, and when everything started, I did not like it from the very beginning… I realized that our state causes only harm. I was fed up with serving this country. My family and I were on different sides as it turns out. I never liked it. Continue reading
This is the epistolary output of the very same Filatov who suggested—as the way of negotiating with Novorossiya: “Give them any promises now, we will hang them later”. A number of interesting details surface here regarding the so-called ATO and other shady dealings.
I came into possession of the correspondence archive of a certain person named B. Filatov. I have no idea whether it is a coincidence or not, but a person with a very similar name currently holds the position of Chief Executive of Dnipropetrovsk Regional State Administration, and according to some reports, he happens to be a very close friend of Kolomoysky. The link to the dossier in Russian http://politrada.com/dossier/persone/id/9527.html
“Boris Albertovich Filatov—on March 4, 2014 appointed a vice-president for home policy of Dnipropetrovsk Regional State Administration.
The closest associate of: Igor Kolomoysky”.
Of course, if he had not been a close friend of Kolomoysky, we would have had no interest in his email. Let us take a closer look at the hacked emails. Continue reading
Translation by Nataly / Editing by @GBabeuf
Original article here: Anti-Maydan
From the Militia:
The Zhdanovka Cauldron is no more. It seems that, having received a “corridor” from the NAF, the remains of the garrison headed towards Debaltsevo. Uglegorsk is reported to be also occupied by the NAF. The source from Svetlodarsk says that the cannonade from outside of Debaltsevo continued all night long and has not ceased up to the present moment. There is your ceasefire. By the way, today they got mobile connection of MTS [a Ukrainian mobile service operator -ed.]. In the city itself there are neither units of the UAF nor of the NAF. Formally, the city is still considered to be neutral: it is part of another cauldron in Debaltsevo. It looks like the UAF have decided to concentrate the troops in one fist. To what end, tomorrow will tell. Today let us look at Debaltsevo. If they repeat the same trick as in Zhdanovka, it means that under the veil of a truce the UAF are silently retreating, withdrawing the surrounded units from the cauldron. By and large, this is advantageous for both parties. The question of heavy materiel is also interesting. To whom will it be left? As it stands now this is the most painful issue for the UAF. Cannon fodder can still be found, but as for military hardware, the Ukrainians are facing a complete crisis. In twenty-three years of independence, Ukrainian ensigns and generals did more for the victory of the Militia than the Militiamen themselves.
The enemy left a number of settlements in the DPR, but attacks and atrocities still continue. Continue reading
Preamble: “‘Rien pour la gloire! Glory brings no profit! Peace everywhere and always! War depresses the quotations of the three and four per cents!’ the France of the Bourse jobbers had inscribed on her banner.”
-Karl Marx, The Class Struggles in France
Translations by Gleb Bazov / Editing by @GBabeuf
Original article here: El Murid
Photographs – Associated Press
Judging by the fact that, on both sides of the front, the participants are scaling back their activity and preparing for winter (and that, on the Ukrainian side, conversations about the Army’s lack of readiness for wintering in the field are getting louder), it can be assumed that, after all, a decision has been made to wait until the spring. We no longer need to suspect the sides of some kind of clandestine intentions—it is getting colder and damper, and, while, of course, there could be fighting, it will be solely in the form of torpid skirmishes and sabotage behind enemy lines. The usual kind of positional war following a Verdun-esque meat grinder.
In a sense the Cunning Plan has prevailed. Kiev was not allowed to finish off Donetsk and Lugansk, and they were pulled back from the brink at the very last moment. The existence of the rebel territory remains a thorn in the chubby backside and carries the threat of the pain being drastically amplified in case of misconduct. On the rebel territory itself, by the looks of it, a classic sweep of disloyal elements and the transformation of the freemen into something like a controllable entity has begun.
The existing bedlam has its negative aspects—the proliferation of weapons has taken on quite a menacing form. Just today, two contract soldiers were caught trying to sell a hundred grenades in the Rostov region. One can hazard the guess that this was simply scraps from the master’s table of the mobile Voentorg shop. What is carried out of the shop by men with stars on their epaulettes is, of course, not reported to the general public; but, as always, in times like this the arms trade is brisk and not at all retail in nature. Pumping the border regions—already complicated in every respect—full of weapons can only be done at one’s own peril.
On the other hand, by swiftly and firmly reining in the offensive impulse of the reinvigorated Militia, Moscow has demonstrated its commitment to a partnership with Kiev. It does not in the least fancy losing a thirty billion cubic metre Ukrainian gas consumption market, and the fact that Yatsenyuk is threatening that in ten years Ukraine will become fully self-sufficient in this product only causes them to sniff disdainfully in the Gazprom offices—“we will see where Yatsenyuk himself will be in ten years.” Continue reading