Putin left the G20 summit without waiting for the end of the programme. Of course, the President of Russia has the right to sleep on his arrival in Moscow, all the more so as he had ‘to work on Monday’.
It is possible that Putin cannot sleep on the plane which flies for ‘eight hours to our Far East and another eight from there to Moscow’. It is hardly believable that the cabin of the leader of a superpower is not equipped with a bedroom—such an option exists even on ordinary run-of-the-mill business jets. For people who spend much of their lives in the air (often for many hours), crossing several time zones, this is not just whimsy, but a necessity. And it is impossible to assume that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the Head of the Presidential Protocol did not inform him of the summit’s programme in advance.
Thus, Putin knew perfectly well when the summit would come to an end. In such cases the programme used to be served until the very end. It is impossible to imagine that the hosts prepared, planned and coordinated the event whereas the guests simply departed when it suited them. All the more so, as dinners and cultural events also are used for negotiations.
That is to say, the Russian president pointedly left the Summit without caring about even a more or less polite explanation of his actions. One could, after all, have said that the President had an illness; but the desire to sleep after a sixteen hour flight—such an explanation would have been insulting to the Australians, yet the insult was defiantly given.
The Gorlovka-Enakievo junction is the front line of Donbass defence: to the East of these two cities merged into a large agglomeration, there is a big group of the Ukrainian Army in Debaltsevo, which is a real operational threat.
The road block—it is a forward patrol of the Militia at an important crossroads. Its small garrison is ready to meet everyone who decides to break the fragile truce.
“We have the best tea, with honey… Want some?” The Militiamen greet us with these words. The war has not embittered these people—on the contrary, they are willing to share their last crust with their guests as well as with their neighbours.
“We were delivered coal, so we said to the local people to come and take some,” the commander tells us. “Once, a woman came for a help to our roadblock: she had seven children, but they had nothing to eat at home. We packed what we had and gave it to her; we ourselves had to tighten our belts… But that’s all right, it could be worse…”
The township population recognizes the Militiamen as their protectors, although they had to find ways for mutual understanding in the beginning—there are few who would be pleased at the establishment of a military facility next to their house. Continue reading
Preamble: The interview below is taken from Colonel Cassad. However, the material at Cassad is a translation into Russian of a Serbian language original from KM Novine. The opening paragraph and the final sentence are comments from Colonel Cassad, the remainder of the text is the interview conducted by the Serbian news agency. Our translation made use of both these versions, which contain slight variations between them.
An excellent interview with the Serbian sniper, Dejan Berić, who since the summer has been actively engaged in fighting for the Novorossiya Army against Ukrainian fascists. In autumn, as there was no information about him, many people were worried that Dejan might have been killed; however, he is still alive and healthy, and he continues fighting shoulder-to-shoulder with his comrades.
Despite the “boyish” nickname and character, ‘Deki’ has displayed an honourable and courageous attitude toward life. We talked with him about Novorossiya, his motives for fighting there, how to be a sniper, events on the battlefield, and the people and the authorities who make up and who lead Serbia.
The Serbian volunteer in Novorossiya is the kind of man who would appear to be already extinct in Serbia: a man who neither deals nor compromises with the devil; a man who considers it an honour to die in the struggle against injustice; the kind of man who made our nation brave and who, for centuries, preserved the uniquely Serbian quality of keeping the sword unsheathed, both in epic songs and on the battlefield. Dejan Berić, a Serbian volunteer in Novorossiya, though he never expected to, took up the fight on all our behalves and has become one such man.
Preamble: The first video below documents a telephone conversation between the editor of ANNA News, an independent news agency, and a resident of Mariupol, a port city in the south of Ukraine, which is currently occupied and terrorised by fascist National Guards. It documents heinous crimes being perpetrated against the civilian population, especially against women and girls.
The second video shows a scene, captured on a mobile phone camera, that has become part of everyday life in Mariupol today.
The third video (with English subtitles) shows events that occurred on May 9, 2014, in Mariupol and which demonstrate the mercilessness of the fascist National Guards against the civilian population.
The legendary former commander of Novorossiya, Igor Strelkov, had planned to take part in the Russian March. Many patriots and nationalists were expecting him—with mixed feelings. Andrey Savelyev [leader of the Great Russia political party -ed.] said that Strelkov will march with him and for him. Savelyev is not to everyone’s taste. Even among the nationalists, he stands apart: he is bitterly opposed to the Russian government, but supportive of Novorossiya. There was many a sharp intake of breath when it was heard that Strelkov would be marching alongside him. But Strelkov decided not to go. Instead, Igor Ivanovich went to the temple to pray to the Virgin Mary on the day of the Icon of Our Lady of Kazan. I asked Strelkov why he did not join the Russian March, and he responded to these and other questions with the sincerity and frankness of a soldier.
Strelkov: I heard Savelyev’s morning speech, and it angered me. He very improperly used an excerpt from my video appeal, where I called on people to join the march in support of Novorossiya. I was not invited by Savelyev, but, rather, by other people associated with the families of dead soldiers; I do not share many of Savelyev’s political ideas.
Svobodnaya Pressa: You’re an experienced person, Igor Ivanovich. You weren’t aware who Andrei Savelyev is?
S: Contrary to what they say about me, I have never engaged with the Slav nationalist movement, and I did not know the people operating in this field. I am meeting many of them for the first time. I was attracted by the fact that Savelyev supported Novorossiya, and only this morning did I realize that he also has another political agenda.
Preamble: In the following interview, dated September 30, Spanish volunteer and left-wing activist—Ramiro Gómez—takes a closer look at some of the most important aspects of both the Ukrainian crisis and the war in the Donbass. He is telling about the first “Maidan” protests and the grim life in Lugansk under siege; about the courage of those who refused to flee and remained in the cities, with no electricity and under constant artillery fire, in order to defend their land, and the affection of the locals towards the Militiamen.
Ramiro Gómez describes in a few words the political situation in the Donbass, where the main goal is to survive and to win the war in order to move forward. Regarding the ideology behind the understanding of Novorossiya, Gómez explains that the thought of being free of the new Ukraine that has been born in the result of “Maidan” protests and the February coup involves apparently such conflicting ideas as admiring the Russian Empire and the Soviet nostalgia, or Russian nationalism and socialism.
When it comes to the question about the Spanish civil war—which is common when one of the Spanish volunteers is interviewed—Ramiro Gómez admits, that it is touching when the locals recognize the antifascist struggle of the Spanish civil war and the International Brigades.
Subtitles in English by Sarah
(The transcript for the video will appear in the near future.)
Roman Gnatyuk—a special correspondent of Ukrainian “112 channel”—reporting from the ground about the elections on November 2, 2014, in Donbass, which were held in a proper way against all expectations of the Ukrainian media.
Anchor: Referring to the main topic of the day – to the so-called pseudo-elections in the self- proclaimed DPR and LPR, which are still being held. Our special correspondent – Roman Gnatyuk – is now in Donetsk. Good afternoon, Roman.
Roman: Good evening.
Anchor: Evening, Good evening! Where are you now? What is the current news?
Roman: I am in the Central Election Committee of the self-proclaimed Republic of Donetsk. Just returned from the press-tour organized for international observers and journalists. There were organized 5 press-tours. There were 16 journalists and many observers in ours. I will tell you which countries they were from: England, France, USA, Poland, Abkhazia and Russia. We travelled through Sedovo, Novoazovsk, Telmanovo and Novyj Svet and returned to Donetsk. Continue reading
“National aspirations must be respected; people may now be dominated and governed only by their own consent. Self determination is not a mere phrase; it is an imperative principle of action.”
European Galician Assembly, which is suspected of separatism, brisked up its work in Lvov. Its activists held a conference at which the Mayor Andrey Sadovoy and former economic development minister Pavel Sheremeta were noticed as guests.
The Galician Assembly includes local intellectuals who have never hidden their separatist views (recently they have registered Ukrainian Galician party). The leader of the organization is Vładimir Pavliv who, even before the war in the east, became famous as “a Galician autonomist”. In his opinion, the change of the administrative-territorial format of the state is not far off. Continue reading